Pourquoi l’Occident Falsifie l’Histoire De La Seconde Guerre Mondiale

Les historiens interprètent et réinterprètent l’Histoire. C’est un processus normal… excepté lorsque ce sont les politiciens qui font les réinterprétations. Leurs intérêts ne sont pas intellectuels mais plutôt politiques. Ils cherchent à justifier leur politique en évoquant le passé, l’Histoire comme ils ont besoin qu’elle soit. 

Les historiens interprètent et réinterprètent l’Histoire. C’est un processus normal… excepté lorsque ce sont les politiciens qui font les réinterprétations. Leurs intérêts ne sont pas intellectuels mais plutôt politiques. Ils cherchent à justifier leur politique en évoquant le passé, l’Histoire comme ils ont besoin qu’elle soit.

Les origines et la conduite de la Seconde Guerre mondiale revêtent un intérêt particulier pour les politiciens occidentaux, passés et présents. C’était vrai, même dès le début. En décembre 1939, le gouvernement britannique décida de réaliser un livre blanc sur les négociations anglo-franco-soviétiques au printemps et à l’été de cette année, dans le but d’organiser une alliance pour lutter contre l’Allemagne hitlérienne. Des responsables du ministère des Affaires étrangères sélectionnèrent soigneusement une centaine de documents ou à peu près, pour montrer qu’eux et les Français avaient été sérieux dans l’organisation d’une alliance anti-allemande et que l’URSS était principalement responsable de l’échec des négociations. Début janvier 1940, le livre blanc en était au stade des épreuves. Presque tout le monde à Londres était impatient de le publier. Tout ce qu’il fallait encore était l’approbation de la France et du gouvernement polonais en exil. À la grande surprise des officiels britanniques, la France s’opposa à la publication du livre blanc, tout comme le gouvernement polonais en exil. Cela peut surprendre les lecteurs d’aujourd’hui. Pourquoi les responsables français et polonais s’opposeraient-ils à une publication considérée comme de la « bonne propagande » par les Britanniques pour noircir la réputation de l’Union soviétique ?

Laissons l’ambassadeur de France à Londres l’expliquer avec ses propres mots : « L’impression générale qui se dégage à la lecture [du livre blanc]écrit-il dans un mémorandum daté du 12 janvier 1940, est que le gouvernement russe n’a jamais cessé d’insister, du début à la fin, pour donner à l’accord [en cours de négociation] le maximum d’étendue et d’efficacité. Sincère ou non, cette détermination du gouvernement soviétique à couvrir efficacement toutes les routes possibles d’une agression allemande apparaît tout au long des négociations, mais se heurta à la réticence franco-britannique et à la claire intention des deux gouvernements de limiter le champ de l’intervention russe. »

L’ambassadeur français ne s’en tint pas là. Il observa que les critiques qui estimaient que l’URSS avait été forcée à un accord avec l’Allemagne nazie à cause de la « répugnance »anglo-française à prendre de véritables engagements à Moscou, trouveraient dans le livre blanc « un certain nombre d’arguments en leur faveur ». Le langage utilisé ici se conformait aux meilleures traditions des euphémismes diplomatiques, mais le Foreign Office reçut néanmoins le message.

D’autant plus qu’il y avait encore le fait irritant pour les sensibilités gauloises que les documents choisis pour le livre blanc échouaient à montrer qu’eux, les Français, avaient été plus inquiets de conclure avec Moscou que leurs alliés britanniques. Que se passerait-il, se demandaient les Français, si le gouvernement soviétique publiait sa propre collection de documents en réponse à un livre blanc ? Qui l’opinion publique croirait-elle ? Les Français n’étaient pas sûrs de la réponse.

Quant aux Polonais en exil, ils ne pouvaient pas insister beaucoup, mais eux aussi préféraient que le livre blanc ne soit pas publié. Même aux premiers jours de leur exil, les Polonais n’étaient pas disposés à faire connaître leurs responsabilités dans les origines de la guerre et leur défaite fulgurante face à la Wehrmacht.

En fait, les trois gouvernements, le britannique, le français et le polonais, avaient beaucoup à cacher, et pas seulement leur conduite en 1939, mais pendant toute la période après l’accession d’Adolf Hitler au pouvoir en janvier 1933. Le gouvernement soviétique avait été prompt à tirer la sonnette d’alarme devant le danger et à proposer une alliance anti-nazie défensive à la France et à la Grande-Bretagne. Et oui, Moscou fit aussi des ouvertures à la Pologne. Le commissaire soviétique aux Affaires étrangères, M. Maxime Litvinov, espérait même attirer l’Italie fasciste dans une coalition anti-nazie. À Bucarest, le gouvernement soviétique développa des efforts concertés pour obtenir la participation roumaine à une large alliance anti-allemande évoquant la coalition de l’Entente de la Première Guerre mondiale.

Tous ces efforts soviétiques étaient-ils une ruse pour duper l’Ouest, tandis que les diplomates soviétiques négociaient secrètement avec l’Allemagne nazie ? Pas du tout, les archives russes semblent concluantes sur ce point. Les ouvertures soviétiques étaient sérieuses, mais ses prétendus alliés hésitèrent, à part la Pologne, qui à aucun moment n’avait envisagé rejoindre une alliance anti-nazie avec l’Union soviétique. Le commissaire Litvinov vit que les prétendus alliés des Soviétiques cherchaient à composer avec l’Allemagne nazie. La Pologne fit constamment obstruction à la politique soviétique et la Roumanie, sous pression polonaise et allemande, renonça à de meilleures relations avec Moscou. Un ambassadeur soviétique recommanda même que le gouvernement soviétique ne rompe pas toutes les relations avec Berlin dans le but d’envoyer le message, en particulier à Paris et à Londres, que l’URSS pourrait aussi composer avec l’Allemagne nazie. Les quatre plus importants diplomates français à Moscou pendant les années 1930 avertirent à plusieurs reprises que la France devait protéger ses relations avec l’URSS ou risquer de la voir se réconcilier avec Berlin. À Paris, ces rapports disparurent dans les dossiers, et restèrent finalement sans effet. Le plus grand coup à la sécurité collective intervint en septembre 1938, lorsque la France et la Grande-Bretagne conclurent les accords de Munich, qui sanctionnaient le démembrement de la Tchécoslovaquie. Ni les diplomates tchécoslovaques, ni les diplomates soviétiques ne furent invités aux négociations. Quant à la Pologne, elle s’allia avec l’Allemagne nazie. « Si Hitler obtient les territoires tchécoslovaques, disaient les diplomates polonais avant Munich, alors nous en aurons aussi notre part. »

« Quoi? Pas de chaise pour moi? » – Le plus grand coup à la sécurité collective intervint en septembre 1938, lorsque la France et la Grande-Bretagne conclurent les accords de Munich, qui sanctionnaient le démembrement de la Tchécoslovaquie

Est-ce surprenant, qu’après environ six ans de vaines tentatives pour organiser un front anti-nazi, le gouvernement soviétique perde toute confiance dans les gouvernements français et britannique et passe un accord avec Berlin pour rester hors de la guerre, que tout le monde reconnaissait comme imminente ? Ce fut le Pacte germano-soviétique de non-agression, signé le 23 août 1939. Quant aux Polonais, dans leur arrogance et leur aveuglement, ils raillèrent l’idée d’une alliance avec l’URSS jusqu’au premier jour de la guerre.

Le Pacte germano-soviétique de non-agression fut le résultat de l’échec de six ans de politique soviétique pour conclure une alliance anti-nazie avec l’Ouest et non la cause de cet échec. L’ambassadeur britannique à Moscou accusa le gouvernement soviétique de « mauvaise foi », mais c’était seulement l’Hôpital qui se moquait de la Charité. Même pendant les derniers jours de la paix, les gouvernements britannique et français cherchaient à échapper à la guerre. « Bien que nous ne puissions pas, dans ces circonstances, éviter de déclarer la guerre, déclara un ministre britannique, nous pouvons toujours écrire la lettre déclarant la guerre sans immédiatement y aller tous. » En fait, la France et la Grande-Bretagne levèrent à peine le petit doigt pour aider la Pologne, lorsqu’elle fut envahie le 1er septembre 1939. Après avoir amené le désastre sur lui, le gouvernement polonais a fui Varsovie après les premiers jours de combat, ses membres passant en Roumanie pour y être internés.

Si la France et la Grande-Bretagne n’aidaient pas les Polonais dans leur moment de désespoir, Joseph Staline aurait-il raisonnablement pu calculer que les Britanniques et les Français auraient fait davantage pour aider l’Union soviétique, si elle était entrée en guerre en septembre 1939 ? À l’évidence non. L’URSS devrait se tourner vers ses propres défenses. Personne ne devrait donc être surpris que quelques mois plus tard, les Français et les Polonais en exil s’opposent à la publication d’un livre blanc qui pourrait ouvrir la boîte de Pandore des questions sur les origines de la guerre et leur échec à rejoindre une alliance anti-nazie. Il vaut mieux ne pas réveiller le chien qui dort et espérer que les archives gouvernementales ne seront pas ouvertes avant longtemps.

Après la guerre, l’Ouest lança une campagne accusant Staline d’être l’«allié» d’Hitler

Après la guerre, cependant, l’échec entourant le livre blanc britannique fut longtemps oublié. Les chiens endormis se réveillèrent et commencèrent à aboyer. L’Ouest lança une campagne accusant Staline d’être l’« allié » d’Hitler. En 1948, le Département d’État américain publia une collection de documents sous le titre de Relations soviéto-nazies 1939-1941, auquel le gouvernement soviétique répliqua avec Falsificateurs de l’Histoire. La guerre de la propagande fut déclenchée, comme le fut en particulier la tentative américaine d’attribuer à l’URSS une égale responsabilité qu’à l’Allemagne nazie dans la provocation de la Seconde Guerre mondiale.

La propagande américaine était absurde, compte tenu de l’histoire des années 1930 telle que nous la connaissons aujourd’hui, à partir de diverses archives européennes. Y eut-il jamais un geste d’ingratitude plus grand, que les accusations étasuniennes imputant à l’URSS les origines de la guerre et cachant l’immense contribution de l’Armée rouge à la victoire commune contre l’Allemagne nazie ? De nos jours, le rôle du peuple soviétique dans la destruction du nazisme est pratiquement inconnu en Occident. Peu de gens sont conscients que l’Armée rouge combattit presque seule pendant trois ans contre la Wehrmacht, tout en demandant l’ouverture d’un second front à ses alliés anglo-américains. Peu de gens savent que l’Armée rouge infligea plus de 80% des pertes de la Wehrmacht et de ses alliés, et que le peuple soviétique subit des pertes si élevées que personne n’en connaît exactement le nombre, bien qu’elles soient estimées à 26 ou 27 millions de civils et de soldats. Les pertes anglo-américaines furent insignifiantes en comparaison.

Ironie de l’histoire, la campagne anti-russe de falsification de l’Histoire s’intensifia après le démantèlement de l’URSS en 1991. Les États baltes et la Pologne menèrent la charge. Comme la queue qui fait bouger le chien, ils entraînèrent toutes les organisations européennes bien disposées, comme l’OSCE, l’assemblée et le Parlement européens à Strasbourg, dans des déclarations ridicules sur les origines de la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Ce fut le triomphe de l’ignorance de politiciens qui ne savaient rien ou qui calculaient que les rares qui connaissaient quelque chose de la guerre ne seraient pas entendus. Après tout, combien de gens ont-ils lu les papiers diplomatiques dans les diverses archives européennes, détaillant les efforts soviétiques pour construire une alliance anti-nazie pendant les années 1930 ? Combien de gens connaissent les responsabilités de Londres, Paris et Varsovie dans l’obstruction à la défense européenne commune contre l’Allemagne nazie ? « Pas beaucoup », doit avoir été la conclusion des gouvernements européens. Les rares historiens et citoyens informés qui savaient ou savent la vérité pourraient facilement être conspués, marginalisés ou ignorés.

La propagande occidentale a affirmé que l’Union soviétique et l’Allemagne nazie étaient «alliées». La Seconde Guerre mondiale fut entièrement leur faute, tandis que la France, la Grande-Bretagne et la Pologne étaient d’innocentes victimes du totalitarisme.

Donc Hitler et Staline étaient devenus complices, les deux copains et les deux « totalitaires ». L’Union soviétique et l’Allemagne nazie étaient « alliées ». La Seconde Guerre mondiale était entièrement de leur faute. La France, la Grande-Bretagne et la Pologne étaient d’innocentes victimes du totalitarisme. L’OSCE et l’assemblée européenne publièrent des résolutions à cet effet en 2009, déclarant le 23 août comme jour à la mémoire des victimes de l’« alliance » des nazis et des Soviétiques, comme si le pacte de non-agression signé ce jour-là était tombé du ciel et n’avait eu d’autre contexte que le mal totalitaire.

En 2014, après le soutien des États-Unis et de l’Union européenne au coup d’État à Kiev, une junte fasciste prit le pouvoir en Ukraine et la campagne de propagande pour falsifier l’Histoire s’intensifia. Les collaborateurs nazis ukrainiens, comme Stepan Bandera, furent sacrés héros nationaux. Les forces paramilitaires ukrainiennes appelées Organisation des nationalistes ukrainiens et Armée insurrectionnelle ukrainienne (OUN/UPA), qui combattirent aux côtés de la Wehrmacht et de la SS, furent de même transformées en forces de libération.

Après le coup d’État de 2014, les collaborateurs nazis ukrainiens comme Stepan Bandera furent sacrés héros nationaux.

C’était comme si la Pologne et les États baltes avaient gagné un allié pour leurs affreuses campagnes anti-russes. Des vétérans SS ont paradé dans les pays baltes, et des hooligans polonais ont vandalisé des tombes de l’Armée rouge tandis que le gouvernement de Varsovie détruisait au bulldozer les monuments à la mémoire des libérateurs soviétiques de la Pologne. Cet automne, précisément, Varsovie a tenté de contrôler les messages thématiques d’un nouveau musée de la Seconde Guerre mondiale ouvert à Gdansk, pour qu’il se conforme à la propagande du gouvernement polonais. Le parti Droit et Justice au pouvoir veut faire de la Pologne une noble victime et le point central de la Seconde Guerre mondiale. En fait, la Pologne fut la question principale des années 1930, mais pas dans un rôle noble. Elle fut la destructrice de la sécurité collective européenne.

En octobre de cette année, les assemblées législatives polonaise et ukrainienne ont adopté des résolutions imputant la responsabilité de la Seconde Guerre mondiale à l’Allemagne nazie et à l’Union soviétique. Étant donné le rôle de la Pologne dans la collaboration avec l’Allemagne nazie et son obstruction aux efforts soviétiques pour créer une alliance anti-nazie dans les années 1930, cette résolution est surréaliste. Tout aussi perverse est la résolution ukrainienne équivalente, par un gouvernement célébrant la collaboration avec les nazis pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale.

Ironie du sort, le parti Droit et Justice a ses propres problèmes dans son « alliance » avec l’Ukraine fasciste. Ces collaborateurs ukrainiens qui combattaient avec les nazis et commirent des atrocités contre des citoyens soviétiques, perpétrèrent aussi des meurtres de masse en Pologne pendant la dernière partie de la guerre. Même si la Pologne cherche de toutes ses forces à falsifier l’Histoire, elle ne peut pas dissimuler les atrocités des collaborateurs ukrainiens nazis contre les Polonais, rappelés dans un film polonais à succès récemment sorti, Volhynia. Cela ressemble à une brouille surréaliste entre des brigands qui doivent enterrer l’histoire du fascisme ukrainien et de la collaboration nazie, afin de s’unir contre l’ennemi russe commun. Si seulement les nombreux Ukrainiens vivant aujourd’hui dans le sud de la Pologne cessaient d’ériger des monuments illégaux pour commémorer les collaborateurs nazis ukrainiens. Les pauvres Polonais sont pris entre le marteau et l’enclume. Il leur est tout aussi désagréable de rappeler que l’Armée rouge a libéré la Pologne et a mis fin aux atrocités des collaborateurs nazis ukrainiens.

Même si la Pologne cherche de toutes ses forces à falsifier l’Histoire, elle ne peut pas dissimuler les atrocités des collaborateurs ukrainiens nazis contre les Polonais, rappelées dans un film polonais récemment sorti, Volhynia.

La Russie et la Pologne finiront-elles par enterrer la hache de guerre pour se débarrasser de la nouvelle vague d’Ukrainiens fascistes sur leurs territoires ? C’est peu probable. Le gouvernement polonais devait aussi choisir dans les années 1930, entre l’Allemagne nazie et l’Union soviétique. Il choisit la collaboration avec l’Allemagne nazie et rejeta une alliance anti-nazie avec l’Union soviétique. Il n’est donc pas étonnant que l’Histoire doive être falsifiée. Il y a tant à cacher pour les gouvernements occidentaux et la Pologne.

Michael Jabara Carley est professeur d’histoire à l’Université de Montréal. Il a beaucoup publié sur les relations soviétiques avec l’Ouest.

Traduit par Diane, vérifié par Wayan, relu par Catherine pour le Saker francophone.

 

Source: Strategic Culture

Via: Le Saker Francophone

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